La escritura académica y la irrupción del lenguaje inclusivo / Academic writing and the irruption of inclusive language

El lenguaje científico en Medicina estuvo dominado por la lengua francesa hasta la segunda mitad del. Siglo XIX. Desde 1950 en adelante, el idioma inglés ha adquirido paulatinamente una mayor importancia. El lenguaje médico actual se construye sobre la precisión, la corrección, la claridad y la concisión. El lenguaje no sexista, aparecido en los últimos años ha sido adoptado por universidades y ministerios para sus comunicaciones internas, pero no se ha comunicado su uso en los textos científicos y esto se debe a que choca con este último ya que agrega nuevos vocablos que dificultan la lectura. En el presente artículo se desarrolla el concepto de lenguaje científico en Medicina y la irrupción del lenguaje no sexista

The scientific language in Medicine was dominated by the French language until the second half of the XIX century. From the 1950s onwards, the English language has gradually gained in importance. Today's medical language is built on precision, correctness, clarity, and conciseness. The non-sexist language, which has appeared in recent years, has been adopted by universities and ministries for their internal communications, but its use has not been reported in scientific texts, and this is because it clashes with the latter, since it adds new words that make it difficult to the reading. This article develops the concept of scientific language in Medicine and the irruption of non-sexist language.

Ideologia, confiança institucional e representações sociais de universitários sobre o cenário político brasileiro de 2016-2017 / Ideology, institutional trust, and social representation of university students about the brazilian political scenery from 2016-2017 / Ideología, confianza institucional y representaciones sociales de universitarios sobre el escenario político brasileño de 2016-2017

O objetivo deste estudo foi testar um modelo teórico-explicativo para as representações sociais sobre o cenário sociopolítico brasileiro de 2017, de acordo com as seguintes relações: as representações seriam influenciadas diretamente pela confiança nas instituições, e essa confiança, determinada pelas simpatias ideológicas. Participaram 164 estudantes universitários - cuja idade média era 24 anos - que responderam a escalas intervalares. Realizaram-se modelagens de equações estruturais para testar o modelo teórico proposto. Os resultados indicaram: adequabilidade do modelo; dois grupos de variáveis apresentando relações positivas entre as variáveis do mesmo grupo e negativas na comparação intergrupos. No primeiro grupo constaram as variáveis: ideias-força de esquerda, confiança nos movimentos sociais, avaliação do governo Dilma e avaliação das políticas de esquerda; no segundo: ideias-força de direita, confiança nas instituições de controle, confiança na mídia, avaliação do governo Temer e avaliação das políticas de esquerda. Concluiu-se que a confiança institucional e a simpatia ideológica ancoravam as representações sociais do cenário brasileiro na população universitária estudada.(AU)

The aim of this study was to test an explanatory theoretical model about the social representations about Brazilian social-political scenario in 2017, based on the following relations: representations were directly influenced by the trust in institutions, and this trust, determined by ideological sympathies. A sample of 164 college students - whose average age was 24 years - answered interval scales. We performed structural equation modeling to test the proposed model. The results indicated: the suitability of the model; two groups of variables presenting positive relations in the in-group comparison and negative relations in the comparisons between groups. The first group showed the variables: Leftist ideas-forces, trust in social movements, evaluation of Dilma's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies; the second: Rightist ideas-forces, trust in control institutions, trust in the media, evaluation of Temer's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies. In conclusion, the institutional trust and ideological sympathies anchored the social representations of the Brazilian scenery for the studied university population.(AU)

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo probar un modelo teórico explicativo de las representaciones sociales en el escenario sociopolítico brasileño de 2017 según las siguientes relaciones: las representaciones estarían directamente influenciadas por la confianza en las instituciones, y esta confianza, determinada por las simpatías ideológicas. Participaron en este estudio 164 estudiantes universitarios, con edad media de 24 años, quienes respondieron a escalas intervalares. Se llevaron a cabo modelos de ecuaciones estructurales para probar el modelo teórico propuesto. Los resultados indicaron: adecuación del modelo; dos grupos de variables que presentaban relaciones positivas entre las variables del mismo grupo y negativas en la comparación intergrupal. El primer grupo incluía las variables: ideas-fuerza de la izquierda, confianza en los movimientos sociales, evaluación del gobierno de Dilma y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda; el segundo: ideas-fuerza de la derecha, confianza en las instituciones de control, confianza en los medios de comunicación, evaluación del gobierno Temer y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda. Se concluyó que la confianza institucional y la simpatía ideológica funcionaron como fundamentos de las representaciones sociales del escenario político brasileño en la población universitaria estudiada.(AU)

Escola sem partido e conservadorismo moral: instrumentalização da religião, sexualidade e gênero / School without party and moral conservatism: the instrumentalization of religion, sexuality and gender / Escuela sin partido y conservadurismo moral: la instrumentalización de la religión, sexualidad y género

Este artigo tem por objetivo identificar e discutir alguns estratagemas psicológicos utilizados por movimentos conservadores e autoritários recentemente difundidos no Brasil - em especial, pelo Movimento Escola sem Partido -, em relação a temas como sexualidade e gênero, que atualmente foram incluídos como essenciais à formação escolar. Com esse propósito, empenhamo-nos em compreender a perspectiva cultural em que se apoiam e o modo como a articulam, ideologicamente, para inviabilizar o debate sobre eles. A partir da análise dos Projetos de Lei 246/2019 e 1859/2015, identificamos estratégias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitimam sua inclusão na formação escolar. Dentre elas, pareceu-nos urgente investigar a instrumentalização da religião, pois favorece a subordinação da crença religiosa, sobretudo associada ao conservadorismo moral imbricado na tradição cristã brasileira, ao discurso político autoritário. Assim como os movimentos fascistas que, nos Estados Unidos da década de 1930, reivindicavam um ordenamento autoritário e opressor da sociedade por meio do apelo a conteúdos religiosos instrumentalizados para esse fim, atualmente, o discurso religioso também é utilizado como forma de suscitar adesão ao conservadorismo social e político e de justificar preconceitos arraigados. Constatamos que a instrumentalização da religião é uma forma de justificar a permanência de valores conservadores na escola e na sociedade, bem como de reiterar o modelo de família heterossexual monogâmica e a ordem patriarcal. Por meio de estratagemas como esses, os movimentos conservadores e autoritários, articulados em função da negação da diversidade sexual e de gênero, impedem que a escola se constitua como espaço democrático e diverso.(AU)

This paper identifies and discusses the psychological ploys employed by recent conservative and authoritarian movements in Brazil, particularly the School without Party movement, against topics like sexuality and gender, which are currently included as essential to school education. To do so, we sought to understand their cultural basis and how they are ideologically articulated to prevent school debate around these topics. By analyzing Bills 246/2019 and 1859/2015, we identified some conservative strategies that authoritatively delegitimize their inclusion in school education. Chief among them is the instrumentalization of religion, since it favors subordinating religious belief, mainly associated with traditional Christian moral conservatism, to authoritarian political discourse. Similar to the fascist movements in the 1930s United States that claimed an authoritarian and oppressive ordering of society by appealing to religious content, religious speech is currently instrumentalized to encourage social and political conservatism adherence and to justify deep-seated prejudices. Religion instrumentalization is used to justify upholding conservative values at school and in society, as well as to reiterate the monogamous heterosexual family model and patriarchy. Through such ploys, authoritarian and conservative movements, articulated around denying sexual and gender diversity, prevent the school from becoming a democratic and diverse environment.(AU)

Este artículo tiene por objetivo identificar y discutir algunas de las estratagemas psicológicas que utilizan los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, difundidas recientemente en Brasil, en particular por el Movimiento Escuela sin Partido, con relación a temas como sexualidad y género, que actualmente se incluyeron en la formación escolar. Con este propósito, se pretende comprender la base cultural en la que se han apoyado y cómo la articulan ideológicamente para hacer inviable el debate sobre ellas. A partir de análisis de los Proyectos de Ley 246/2019 y 1859/2015, se identificaron estrategias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitiman la inclusión de estos temas en la formación escolar. Entre ellas, parece urgente analizar la instrumentalización de la religión, porque favorece la subordinación de la creencia religiosa al discurso político autoritario, sobre todo asociada al conservadurismo moral presente en las vertientes del cristianismo brasileño. Al igual que los movimientos fascistas en los Estados Unidos en los años 1930 que reivindicaban una planificación autoritaria de la sociedad mediante un llamado a contenidos religiosos instrumentalizados, actualmente se utiliza el discurso religioso como forma de promover la adhesión al conservadurismo social y político y de justificar los prejuicios. Se constata que la instrumentalización de la religión es un modo de justificar la permanencia de valores conservadores en la escuela, así como de confirmar el modelo de familia heterosexual monógama y el orden patriarcal. Estos estratagemas que son utilizados por los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, articulados en función de la negación de la diversidad sexual y de género, impiden que la escuela sea democrática y diversa.(AU)

Exploring Senior Phase teachers' competencies in supporting learners with specific learning difficulties: Implications for inclusive education

Teaching learners with specific learning difficulties requires competent teachers who can provide learning support. Competencies such as identifying learning difficulties, assessing learners, designing interventions such as curriculum differentiation and facilitating referral systems are crucial. However, Senior Phase teachers in South Africa seem to be challenged when it comes to providing learning support. Consequently, learners do not meet the desired learning outcomes. Objectives: The purpose of this study was to explore Senior Phase teachers' competencies in supporting learners with specific learning difficulties in four mainstream schools. Methods: A qualitative research approach and phenomenological research design were used. Eighteen teachers who were members of the school-based support teams, including learning support educators, were selected through purposive sampling. Data were collected through individual and focus group interviews, the analysis of support forms and field notes. A thematic data analysis was used to generate findings. Results: The thematic data analysis revealed discrepancies relating to participants' competencies in identifying language difficulties, short-term memory problems and contextual barriers. Also, participants differed in collaborating with peers, social workers, and the district-based support teams. Furthermore, some participants were able to design intervention programs and facilitate internal and external referral processes. Conclusion: The study concludes that teachers have different competencies in providing learning support. Therefore, the Department of Basic Education should provide a clear practical learning support strategy in the Senior Phase mainstream schools as well as continuous professional development for teachers couple with monitoring. Contribution: It is envisioned that the study will contribute to understanding teachers' competences in providing learning support for learners with specific learning difficulties in the senior phase. The study advocates for collaborative continuous professional teacher development focusing on interventions programs to support learners with specific learning difficulties in the mainstream schools

Implementation of UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in public and private schools in three districts of Uganda

The study was grounded in the recent developments of implementing the United Nations Convention on the Right of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) in schools in Uganda, leading to a renewed interest in the questionings about inclusive education. Objectives: The inclusive approach was evaluated in terms of: (1) how public or private schools in Uganda understand inclusive education; (2) how schools implement inclusive education under the influence of the UN Convention; and (3) what determines the course of action and school routine of private and state schools. Methods: This exploratory qualitative research included interviews with six schools purposively selected in Mukono, Wakiso and Kampala districts of Central Uganda. The selected schools comprised three private and three state schools (i.e. representing primary and secondary schools and a vocational training institute). Results: The research demonstrated that 'inclusive education practice' that was upheld by all the schools, was ironically stained with exclusion, for example, by non-admission of students with visual and hearing impairment, inaccessible physical environment, inadequate funding and separation of students according to abilities. However, whilst all schools followed the regular curriculum, some schools developed their own ways of teaching learners with diverse learning needs. Conclusion: Some schools in Uganda have developed meaningful approaches of including students with disabilities but there are still many challenges for many. Enforcing Uganda's disability policies adapted from the CRPDs could enable learners with disabilities to enjoy their legal rights. Contribution: Since the intention of inclusion of students with disabilities stands in contrast to the reality of practice found in many schools, there seems to be a need to carry out regular assessments and measures of support for a sustainable inclusive school development

La interrupción legal del embarazo en Argentina / The legal termination of pregnancy in Argentina

En el contexto de la publicación por parte del Ministerio de Salud de la Nación de Argentina del Protocolo para la atenciónintegral de las personas con derecho a la interrupción legal del embarazo (ILE), resumido y comentado en este mismonúmero de EVIDENCIA, este comentario editorial ofrece: 1) una perspectiva amplia de lo que significa el aborto, desde lamirada estrictamente biologicista hasta definiciones basadas en el enfoque de género; 2) una descripción de los diferentesmarcos jurídicos respecto del aborto que imperan actualmente en Latinoamérica y Argentina, haciendo especial hincapiéen lo concerniente a las ILE; 3) información epidemiológica sobre la mortalidad materna en Argentina y la asociada alaborto inseguro; 4) estadísticas sobre la realización de ILE en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, Argentina.Dada la situación actual de aislamiento social preventivo obligatorio en el marco de la pandemia de Covid-19, conside-ramos quienes integramos equipos de salud debemos estar más atentos/as que nunca a las situaciones de violenciapotencial que podrían suceder en este contexto, para dar las respuestas pertinentes -entre las que se incluyen las ILE-, alas víctimas de embarazos no deseados consecutivos a situaciones de coerción. (AU)

In the context of the publication by the Argentine Ministry of Health of the Protocol for the comprehensive care of people withthe right to legal termination of pregnancy (LTP), summarized and commented on in this same issue of EVIDENCIA, thiseditorial article offers: 1) a broad perspective of what abortion means, from a strictly biological point of view to definitionsbased on the gender approach; 2) a description of the different legal frameworks regarding abortion that currently prevailin Latin America and Argentina, with special emphasis on LTP; 3) epidemiological information on maternal mortality inArgentina and that associated with unsafe abortion; 4) statistics on the realization of LTP in the Autonomous City ofBuenos Aires, Argentina.Given the current situation of mandatory preventive social isolation in the framework of the Covid-19 pandemic, we considerthat those of us who are part of health teams should be more alert than ever to situations of potential violence that couldoccur in this context, to give the relevant responses - including LTP- to victims of unwanted pregnancies following coercivesituations. (AU)

Política lingüística de uso del lenguaje inclusivo de género y las revistas científicas de la Universidad de Costa Rica (UCR) / Gender fair use of language linguistic policy and the scientific journals of the University of Costa Rica (UCR)

Resumen Este artículo presenta un mapeo sobre la implementación de la política lingüística de uso de lenguaje inclusivo de género en las revistas científicas de la Universidad de Costa Rica que se encuentran en el Portal de Revistas. La información analizada se basó en una revisión documental de los sitios web de las publicaciones del Portal de Revistas de la universidad, las respuestas a un cuestionario en línea con una muestra por conglomerado que resulta representativa dentro de los títulos y, por último, en observaciones y comentarios de personas encargadas de procesos editoriales. Uno de los principales hallazgos refiere a que un 66 % de revistas no ha discutido en sus comités editoriales la política de lenguaje inclusivo de género de la Universidad, que data del año 2003, y el restante 34 % que sí lo ha hecho, se encuentra en distintos niveles de proximidad respecto a la implementación de dicha política lingüística. En la discusión se toman en cuenta distintas características de las revistas, el proceso editorial y el contexto para proponer mejoras en la implementación de esta política universitaria.

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to present a mapping on the implementation of the language gender fair use of language in the academic journals of the University of Costa Rica that are part of Portal de Revistas (official website of the journals). The analyzed information is based on a documental review of the websites of each title in the research website, the answers to an online questionnaire with a cluster sampling that results representative for the total number of journals, and the observations and comments of the people in charge of the editorial processes. One of the main findings is that 66% of the editorial committee of the journals has not discussed the university policy of gender fair use of language (stablished in 2003) and the other 34%, that has discussed this subject, presents different levels of proximity to the execution of this language policy. In the discussion, we take into consideration the characteristics of the journals, the editorial process, and the context to purpose improves in the implementation of this university policy.

Barreras y facilitadores del abordaje de la violencia contra las mujeres: perspectivas profesionales entre Cataluña y Costa Rica / Barriers and facilitators in addressing Violence Against Women: perspectives professionals between Catalonia and Costa Rica

Resumen El objetivo es identificar las barreras y facilitadores en el abordaje de la violencia contra las mujeres desde la perspectiva de profesionales de la salud en dos contextos: Cataluña y Costa Rica. Metodología: se trata de un estudio cualitativo comparativo realizado a través de dieciséis entrevistas con profesionales de distintas áreas de la salud con experiencia en violencia contra las mujeres. Se realiza un análisis narrativo de contenido, se recurre a la codificación abierta, axial y selectiva. Las categorías son mixtas, se identifican patrones comunes y diferenciales. Resultados: se muestran seis dimensiones que incluyen barreras y facilitadores para el abordaje de la violencia contra las mujeres en el ámbito de la salud. La barrera común es la falta de actividades de promoción y prevención, mientras que los facilitadores son varios: compartir un marco de referencia común sobre la violencia, el género y el paradigma de salud; reconocer a las personas que trabajan en la red de atención; el aprendizaje de nuevas habilidades; el interés y compromiso profesional, y las estrategias de autocuidado. Conclusiones: el conocimiento de los facilitadores y las barreras son útiles para la toma de decisiones para gestores, planificadores y profesionales de la salud que trabajan con las mujeres; la red de atención es un importante soporte para los profesionales asistenciales, y es necesario el trabajo en actividades de promoción y prevención.

Abstract Objective: This study explores varying dimensions in addressing violence against women (VAW) and identifies both barriers and facilitators in addressing violence against women (VAW) with perspective of health professional of two different contexts: Catalonia and Costa Rica. Methodology: it is a qualitative study that was realized by conducting sixteen interviews with professionals from different areas of health and from different fields related to the health sector, all with an expertise in VAW. Results: Show six dimensions that include aspects that function as barriers and facilitators. Our findings indicate common barriers, a lack in consolidation of activities in promotion of prevention of VAW. About facilitators: a shared inter-institutional framework, the recognition of a professional network, the reflection of health paradigms, violence and gender in the care model, the deconstruction of learned practices in one's own formation, and the role of personal interests and motivations in the execution of a professional role and, the self-care of professional working. Conclusion: The knowledge of the barriers and facilitators from a health activity can be useful in decision making for managers, planners, and health professionals as they address VAW in the health field, common, inter-institutional framework that permits recognition of a professional network, and, in this way, constitutes a support system. Activities promoting and preventing VAW have been identified as pending efforts in diminishing VAW.

Gender relations and differences between gratitude and personality in university students of lima-peru / Relaciones de género y diferencias entre gratitud y personalidad en estudiantes universitarios de lima-perú

Abstract This study established the relation between gratitude and personality of Peruvian university students residing in Lima; throughout a descriptive correlational design. The sample was composed/conformed by 200 university students living in Lima and it was used the Gratitude Scale developed by Alarcón and the Scale of five factors of Personality by Costa & McCrae.; Both Scales shown a remarkable degree of reliability and validity. Significant relationship between gratitude, Neuroticism, Responsibility and Kindness factors were found in the research; likewise, there were found significant differences according to each sex.

Resumen Este estudio determinó la relación entre la gratitud y la personalidad en estudiantes universitarios de Lima-Perú a través de un diseño descriptivo correlacional. La muestra estuvo conformada por 200 universitarios residentes en Lima, y usando la escala de Gratitud de Alarcón y la escala de Cinco factores de la personalidad de Costa & McCrae, los cuales demostraron altos niveles de fiabilidad y validez, se encontraron relaciones significativas entre la gratitud y los factores de Neuroticismo, Responsabilidad y Amabilidad. También se encontraron diferencias significativas según sexo.

Violencia e inequidad de género en las mujeres queretanas / Genre violence and inequity in Queretaro women

El presente artículo pretendió una reflexión sobre la situación que viven actualmente las mujeres queretanas, partiendo desde el panorama socioeconómico y demográfico, como contexto general y aspectos sociales asociados con la vida cotidiana desde una perspectiva de género. Son muchas las expresiones de violencia como resultado histórico-cultural y desde el punto de vista moral que existen en los diferentes ámbitos de acción en el que conviven las mujeres, incluso desde muy joven, cuando son madres de familia y formadoras de seres humanos, durante su empoderamiento para desarrollarse en el ámbito profesional y académico, todo ello, en muchas ocasiones dentro de un medio muy hostil (AU).

The current article pretended a reflection on the situation Queretaro women live nowadays, beginning from the demographic and socio-economic panorama as a general context and going through social aspects associated to daily life, all of that from a genre perspective. There are many expressions of violence as a historic-cultural result and from the moral point of view in the different environments in which women perform, starting from the moment they are still very young, them when they are mothers and educators of children, and during their empowering to perform in the professional and academic fields; all of that inside a very unfriendly environment (AU).

Father's Perceptions of their Role and Involvement in the Family: A Qualitative Study in a Colombian Sample / Percepciones del padre sobre su rol e involucramiento en la familia: un estudio cualitativo en una muestra colombiana

Abstract The purpose of this study was to explore fathers' perceptions about their role in the family, and the characteristics of their involvement in their children's lives in the Colombian context. The sample consisted of 12 Colombian fathers. The study used a qualitative methodology, one-hour in depth interviews were conducted with the participants. Results indicated important changes in the role of fathers and mothers in Colombian families. Fathers' perceptions departed to some extent from the traditional pattern attributed to nuclear families, where men are considered as the only economic provider and authority figure in the family. This departure places fathers in a category we would call "in transition", which includes perceptions of more equitable parental roles within the family and a combination of features from other typologies of fatherhood proposed in the literature. Fathers also reported a desire to participate more at home and to be more involved in their children's lives; they also emphasized the importance of expressing love and affection to their children. Work-family conflict and the impact of the quality of the father-child relationship emerged as important categories in the fathers' perceptions of their role and involvement in the family. In Colombia research on fathers is scarce and family policies mainly focus on mothers as the principal caregiver. A better understanding of fathers' roles and involvement in the family and with children will contribute to the development of programs and policies oriented toward all family members and family relationship systems.

Resumen El propósito de este estudio fue explorar las percepciones de los padres sobre su rol en la familia y las características de su involucramiento en la vida de los hijos en el contexto colombiano. La muestra estuvo conformada por 12 padres colombianos. El estudio siguió una metodología cualitativa en la cual se llevaron a cabo entrevistas en profundidad de una hora de duración con los participantes. Los resultados indicaron cambios importantes en el rol de los padres y las madres en las familias colombianas. Las percepciones de los padres se alejaron en alguna medida del patrón tradicional atribuido a las familias nucleares en las cuales los hombres son considerados como los proveedores exclusivos y las figuras de autoridad de la familia. Esta separación ubica a los padres en una categoría que nosotros llamaríamos "en transición", la cual incluye percepciones de roles parentales más equitativos dentro de la familia y una combinación de rasgos de otras tipologías de la paternidad propuestos en la literatura. Los padres también reportaron un deseo por participar más en sus hogares y por estar más involucrados en la vida de sus hijos. Adicionalmente, ellos enfatizaron en la importancia de expresar amor y afecto a sus hijos. El conflicto entre el trabajo y la familia y el impacto de la calidad de la relación padre-hijo emergieron como categorías fundamentales en las percepciones de los padres sobre su rol e involucramiento en la familia. En Colombia, la investigación sobre los papás es escasa y las políticas de familia se centran principalmente en las madres como cuidadoras principales. Una mayor comprensión del rol de los papás y de su involucramiento en la familia y con los hijos contribuirá al desarrollo de programas y las políticas orientadas hacia todos los miembros de la familia y hacia los diferentes sistemas de relación en el contexto familiar.

Matrimonio igualitario, identidad de género y disputas por el derecho al aborto en Argentina. La política sexual durante el kirchnerismo (2003-2015) / Matrimônio igualitário, identidade de gênero e disputas pelo direito ao aborto na Argentina. A política sexual durante o kirchnerismo (2003-2015) / Gay marriage, gender identity and the right to abortion in Argentina

Resumen: Los gobiernos 'progresistas' (pink tide) en materia socioeconómica del Cono Sur no tienen la misma trayectoria en el avance de los derechos de las mujeres y colectivos LGBT. Lo distintivo de la política sexual de la Argentina (2003-2015) es la tensión entre el avance de la agenda de derechos de la diversidad sexual, con la aprobación de leyes como matrimonio igualitario e identidad de género, y los esfuerzos frustrados del feminismo por legalizar el derecho al aborto. Este artículo presenta un estudio comparativo de estos tres intentos de reformas normativas durante el período de gobierno conocido como kirchnerismo. El análisis empírico identifica cuatro dimensiones fundamentales que, en su combinación, abren oportunidades o generan resistencias al cambio normativo en políticas de género y sexualidad: los vínculos entre Poder Ejecutivo e Iglesia; la política de partidos en un sistema presidencialista; los marcos interpretativos de cada demanda; las formas organizativas y estrategias de las organizaciones que las promueven.

Resumo: Os governos 'progressistas" (pink tide) do Cone Sul, em termos socioeconómicos, não têm a mesma trajetória no avanço dos direitos das mulheres e coletivos LGBT. A especificidade da política sexual Argentina (2003-2015) é a tensão entre o avanço da agenda de direitos da diversidade sexual, com a aprovação de leis como o matrimônio igualitário e identidade de gênero, e os esforços frustrados do feminismo para legalizar o direitos ao aborto. Este artigo apresenta um estudo comparativo destas três intenções de reformas normativas durante o período de governo conhecido como kirchnerismo. A análise empírica identifica quatro dimensões fundamentais que, combinadas, abrem oportunidades ou geram resistencias à mudança normativa em políticas de gênero e sexualidade: os vínculos entre Poder Executivo e igreja, a política de partidos em um sistema presidencialista, os marcos interpretativos de cada demanda, e as formas organizativas e as estratégias das organizações que as promovem.

Abstract: The pink tide of the Southern Cone in socio-economic terms have had a mix record in advancing legal reforms that promote women's and LGBT rights. Sexual politics in Argentina (2003-2015) are marked by the tension between the advancement of LGBT rights, with the passing of legislation on gay marriage and gender-identity, and the frustrated efforts of feminism to legalize women's rights to abortion. This article presents a comparative study of these three attempts to promote legal reforms under kirchnerism. The empirical analysis identifies four main dimensions that, combined, open opportunities or resist legal advances in gender and sexual policies: the links between the Executive branch and the Church, parliamentary party politics in a presidential system, the framing of demands, and the ways of organizing and the strategies put in motion by the organizations that promote the above mentioned legal reforms.